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  Opinion   Columnists  15 Mar 2018  What Opposition can learn from Maha farmers

What Opposition can learn from Maha farmers

The writer is a senior journalist based in New Delhi.
Published : Mar 15, 2018, 1:45 am IST
Updated : Mar 15, 2018, 1:45 am IST

In this bleak political landscape, the success of the farmers’ movement in Maharashtra points to a way forward.

The surrender of the Devendra Fadnavis government before the 40,000-strong farmers who marched to Mumbai holds several important lessons for the Opposition.
 The surrender of the Devendra Fadnavis government before the 40,000-strong farmers who marched to Mumbai holds several important lessons for the Opposition.

The Opposition parties had failed to counter Narendra Modi’s political narrative in the 2014 general election campaign. That story was based on creating jobs, curbing black money and economic development in the mirror-image of

Mr Modi’s “Gujarat model”. Those unrealised dreams have since been consigned to the dustbin with Mr Modi now being described by wags as “India’s biggest non-performing asset”.

Mr Modi may well have a newer narrative for the next general election — possibly an emotive and communally divisive one. However, the Opposition parties have yet to find a counter- narrative.

In this bleak political landscape, the success of the farmers’ movement in Maharashtra points to a way forward. The surrender of the Devendra Fadnavis government before the 40,000-strong farmers who marched to Mumbai holds several important lessons for the Opposition.

After a long time, political parties across the ideological spectrum supported the farmers’ demands — ranging from the All India Kisan Sabha of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), which had organised the march, to the Congress, Nationalist Congress Party, Shiv Sena, Maharashtra Navnirman Sena and Aam Aadmi Party. Even the Shiv Sena, an estranged ally of the ruling BJP, argued against judging the farmers’ movement by its ideological colour.

The support of ordinary folk was overwhelming as they greeted the farmers with open arms. Across Mumbai, civil society groups, residents’ welfare associations, religious organisations and ordinary individuals greeted the marching farmers with packets of food, water, free medical care and even footwear, moved by the media pictures of their calloused, blistered and bleeding feet.

Even as a BJP government given to talking tough was brought to its knees, the farmers’ march offered an opportunity to develop an alternative political narrative based on issues that impact the lives of ordinary people and it was effectively articulated through a mass movement. The support that the movement has received shows that it is not impossible for the Opposition parties to sink their local contradictions to stand behind peoples’ demands.

The tribal farmers from Thane, Palghar, Nashik and Nandurbar in Maharashtra have manifestly proven that the BJP is not invincible and that its disconnect from the ground reality is all too visible.

The very government in Mumbai which completely ignored the farmers’ march for five days started quaking once it saw how much public support was drawn to it. The chief minister virtually conceded the farmers’ demands even before he met with their representatives.

In April 2017 Mr Fadnavis, even as he announced a farm loan waiver, had criticised it as an unsustainable measure. However, he was forced to concede a condition-free loan waiver for farmers left out of the previous one by extending it to loans taken between 2001 and 2008. The earlier waiver had been given only for loans taken after 2009.

He also quickly agreed to address the bottlenecks in legalising the rights of forest-dwellers to till forest land to which they were entitled under the Forest Rights Act of 2006. A host of other demands were also conceded, included giving higher minimum support price for agricultural produce, river linking projects and even the replacement of torn and damaged ration cards!

Rights, even if granted by the State, clearly remain on paper unless people ensure their implementation — by monitoring them, seeking transparency and accountability and by shaking the system periodically through agitations. This is how a coherent narrative of their demands was developed by the Maharashtra farmers, allowing them to occupy the political centre-stage.

Those in the Opposition who want to develop an alternative political narrative should see that now more than ever before, there is a need to connect with peoples’ movements. Such movements, besides civil society organisations and other grassroots organisations of peasants, workers and migrants, are the most reliable way of finding out what affects the lives of the marginalised and what political agendas of change should include.

There are even today a number of organisations that have been relentlessly asserting peoples’ right to life, liberty and livelihood. Despite the Big State turning its mighty machinery against them, they organise protests and agitations at the local, regional and national levels. These movements and groups are the best indicators of the changes that people want.

At a time when Hindutva forces are trying to subvert the secular and democratic character of this country, the Opposition parties must unite to protect the foundations of our constitutional republic. However, a unified ideological opposition to the BJP’s divisive politics also has to be combined with a programme of transforming lives.

The Opposition political parties, therefore, need to learn from the peoples’ movements, join them on the streets, help in mass mobilisation and organise protests. This will help them shed the creeping sense of diffidence and impotence in the face of the “cleverness” and organisational prowess of the BJP.

Beyond a point the public is not impressed by cleverness, especially when it conflicts with their daily experiences of the State withdrawing systematically from running quality educational institutions, communalising the curriculum, encouraging costly and privatised health services and handing over public land and other resources to corporate enterprises and reducing their access to public services. The Narendra Modi government, which had been sponsored by corporates, is busy repaying its debts to them and unwilling to regulate their “loot and scoot” strategies.

India has seen the emergence of new political leadership from mass movements in the past. This happened during the freedom movement, in the movement against the Emergency and during the Anna Hazare agitation over the Lokpal Bill. There is a new crop of leaders no one had ever heard of even four years ago — Jignesh Mewani, Hardik Patel, Alpesh Thakur, Kanhaiya Kumar and Shehla Rashid are among the young political leaders to reckon with today.

The national political parties critical of the BJP must connect the pockets of resistance which exist and are constantly emerging in the country. They must join hands with them. The collective wisdom emanating from below alone can help formulate a narrative to counter the BJP.

Tags: narendra modi, devendra fadnavis