(Left) Rahul in his address to an emotionally-charged gathering of young women — organised by the Congress’ National Students Union of India (NSUI) — in Pune tore into the Manu Smriti, the outdated Hindu legal code which was revived by the British abetted by Brahmin scholars in the 19th century. — DC Image (Right) Contrast this with Smriti Irani’s response to the impatience and anger of the youngsters which was typical of a status quo party. In an interview with the television news channel, NDTV, Ms Irani raised a rhetorical counter-question, “Are we not relevant because we are not 29?”

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Indian National Congress (INC), the two major national parties, have suddenly woken up to the presence of the young people, with the convenient label of “Gen Z”, and both the parties are frantically engaged in reaching out to them. For many years now, the youth of the country did not figure as a factor in the political strategies of the big two parties. It is true that the Congress’ Rahul Gandhi had been reaching out to them time and again because it seemed that given his own relatively young age, say a decade ago, he had been addressing student gatherings. But now in 2026, after the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) inspired youth tsunami at Jantar Mantar in July over Neet paper leak, Rahul Gandhi has been double quick in seizing the opportunity of reaching out to the awakened and activist Gen Z. And they have been responding to him with gusto as could be seen in his engagements in Kota, In Allahabad (Prayagraj) and in Pune.

The BJP on its part has been slow in waking up to the fact that Gen Z is the new political actor on the nation stage. First, Prime Minister Narendra Modi responded rather hesitatingly by taking to the Instagram videos, and this lack of confidence has boomeranged. The young protesters responded with savage humour. Mr Modi asked his Cabinet colleagues to take to Instagram. But it is clear that it has turned out to be a social media minefield that no senior BJP leader dares to tread. The party has not given up. It is thinking of ways to connect with the youngsters. As the party in power, now for over a decade, it is at a severe disadvantage. It has become the party of status quo, while the protesters are screaming for change. This is exactly the situation that the Congress confronted in 2011 when the Anna Hazare-led India Against Corruption movement of Arvind Kejriwal Kejriwal, Prashant Bhushan, exploded. The Congress was helplessly status quo, even as Kejriwal & Co. pressed for change. The BJP then was a silent bystander, and took advantage of the discontent in 2014.

The respective attitudes of the Congress and the BJP towards Gen Z can be seen fortuitously in the stances of former electoral rivals, Rahul Gandhi and BJP’s Smriti Irani. The two faced off in 2014 and in 2019, Rahul defeating her in 2014, and she defeating him in 2019. Rahul in his address to an emotionally-charged gathering of young women — organised by the Congress’ National Students Union of India (NSUI) — in Pune tore into the Manu Smriti, the outdated Hindu legal code which was revived by the British abetted by Brahmin scholars in the 19th century, and drove home the modern message of the rights and freedoms of the individual. And the audience responded with a loud of hurrah of approval. Rahul spoke the modern inspirational message that each individual is unique and irreplaceable. That is the kind of rhetoric that connects instantaneously with the modern youngster.

Contrast this with Smriti Irani’s response to the impatience and anger of the youngsters which was typical of a status quo party. In an interview with the television news channel, NDTV, Ms Irani raised a rhetorical counter-question, “Are we not relevant because we are not 29?” The magic figure of 29 is India’s young population’s media age, which is climbing up. It was 25 a decade ago. Her anger was perceptible when she termed the emphasis on the young as “ageist”. This is the utmost defensive stance. Ms Irani is not any ordinary member of the right-wing Hindu nationalist party, with its reactionary and conservative ethos. She is the party’s new-appointed general secretary, and she is part of the triumvirate comprising party president Navin Nabin and fellow general secretary Vinod Tawde tasked with youth outreach. Ms Irani’s stance and attitude resounds with defiance, which is not very helpful in reaching out to a young audience that is restless. It does not show any trace of conciliation, and a desire to reach out to the youngsters and create a positive vibe. It is a negative approach on the face of it. Rahul Gandhi, on the other hand, is tapping into the anger and restlessness. This is something that the BJP did in 2014 and successfully too — tapping into public anger.

Interestingly, Rahul is in his late 50s, and Ms Irani has just entered the 50s slot. But Mr Gandhi is at an advantage because the public mood favours him. The younger Ms Irani is facing headwinds because she has to defend a government that is seen as responsible for all that is wrong with the examination system, and also the general fact that the economy is going through a stressful stage despite the unrealistic rhetoric of the Prime Minister and his Cabinet colleagues. The youngsters are feeling the economic stress and there is no way of convincing them that there is no problem with the economy.

The BJP is in a tight spot because it is the ruling party. It seems to recognise the problem and it is thinking of ways to grapple with the problem. But it seems to be at a loss as to how to go about it. Ms Irani’s pronouncements show that the party is angry and befuddled. At the moment, Rahul Gandhi is taking full political advantage of the situation, which is what any political leader would do. And this time he is hitting all the right notes. Ms Irani and BJP seem to have got it wrong. Not their fault. In cricketing terms, the pitch is treacherous.

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