Dilip Cherian | Why the PMO Wants a New Crop of Babus

A younger generation of babus is increasingly willing to speak openly about governance gaps instead of hiding behind carefully drafted file notings

Update: 2026-05-13 19:12 GMT
Prime Minister Narendra Modi. (Image: X)

India’s latest babu reshuffle story is not really about transfers or appointments. It is about a deeper shift in how New Delhi now views governance itself.

Sources suggest the PMO and NITI Aayog are quietly scouting a new generation of leaders from among babus and technocrats who can drive reforms in the coming decade. The message is clear: the era of the old-style generalist babu is fading. Delhi now wants administrators who understand technology, infrastructure, markets, geopolitics and public communication, often at the same time.

This transition has been visible for years. The Modi Sarkar increasingly rewards officers with domain expertise and execution skills rather than mere seniority. Whether it is digital public infrastructure, AI, semiconductors, logistics or green energy, the system is looking for people who can move projects quickly and speak the language of investors as comfortably as that of government files.

The rise of policy-driven administrators like Amitabh Kant reflected this change early on. Babus are no longer expected just to regulate. They are expected to pitch India, manage reforms and deliver outcomes at corporate speed.

But there is also a risk. Governance cannot become dependent on a small circle of “favoured reform officers” operating around the PMO ecosystem. India’s persistent problems, such as weak institutional capacity, staffing shortages, endless transfers and bureaucratic inertia, cannot be solved by a few high-profile performers.

Still, the broader direction makes sense. A country aspiring to become a major economic and technological power cannot run entirely on legacy administrative culture. The real challenge is whether merit, and not proximity to power, ultimately drives this leadership hunt.

Can babus function without a political tug-of-war?

For years, many IAS and IPS officers in West Bengal privately referred to the state as a “babu graveyard”, a place where careers slowed, files moved cautiously and political loyalty often mattered more than administrative initiative.

Now, with the political shift in the state and the possibility of a stronger Centre-state alignment, sections of the All India Services (AIS) suddenly appear hopeful again. The phrase doing the rounds is “new dawn”. That, in itself, says a lot about the uneasy relationship between politics and babudom in India.

The larger issue goes beyond Bengal. Across India, babus increasingly find themselves trapped between two competing realities. While the IAS remains the steel frame of governance, in practice officers often operate within shrinking administrative autonomy, constant political scrutiny and a transfer culture that can make long-term policymaking nearly impossible.

West Bengal became a particularly visible example because of the prolonged friction between the Government of West Bengal and the Centre. Central deputation disputes, frequent turf wars and allegations of politically influenced postings created an atmosphere where many officers preferred survival over initiative. The result was risk-averse governance.

Ironically, this is not unique to Bengal. Kerala has seen battles over tenure protections. Maharashtra has witnessed repeated political-bureaucratic realignments. Even in Delhi, the bureaucracy-versus-political executive tug-of-war has become routine.

What makes the Bengal situation interesting is the growing belief among AIS officers that “double-engine” governance may restore administrative confidence and faster decision-making. Perhaps. But there is also danger here. Babus should not become enthusiastic merely because political equations favour smoother alignment with the Centre. Civil servants are meant to serve constitutional governance, not political convenience.

The deeper problem is structural. India still expects 21st-century governance from a bureaucracy operating under a 20th-century service culture and a 19th-century hierarchy. The IAS still attracts some of India’s brightest minds. But unless tenure stability, professional autonomy and institutional safeguards improve, even the brightest officers will eventually learn the safest bureaucratic skill of all: keeping their heads down.

A babu’s post strikes a nerve in Kerala

Kerala’s bureaucratic establishment has stumbled into an unusually honest conversation after one young IAS officer, Dilip K. Kainikkara, posted reform ideas on social media.

Normally, administrative reform in India arrives wrapped in committee reports nobody reads and PowerPoint presentations nobody remembers. This time, however, the debate escaped the conference room and landed directly in public view.

Mr Kainikkara’s suggestions are wide-ranging, from extending the retirement age and improving ease of doing business to promoting nightlife and encouraging a more globally competitive mindset. They have triggered predictable outrage and predictable applause. In Kerala, almost every public issue eventually turns into an ideological debate, preferably before lunch. But beneath the noise lies an uncomfortable truth.

Kerala continues to perform impressively on social indicators, literacy and healthcare. Yet it struggles to convert that social capital into economic momentum. Too many young Malayalis still leave the state in search of jobs, investment remains uneven and bureaucratic decision-making often feels painfully slow for a state that prides itself on being highly educated.

The problem is not a lack of talent inside the system. Kerala has produced some exceptionally capable civil servants over the years. The issue is a larger administrative culture that often rewards caution over initiative. Officers who think differently are celebrated publicly but not always accommodated institutionally.

That is why this debate matters.

A younger generation of babus is increasingly willing to speak openly about governance gaps instead of hiding behind carefully drafted file notings. Social media may not be the ideal forum for policy reform, but it has exposed something important: even insiders now recognise that old administrative habits are struggling to keep pace with new economic realities.

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