Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s acceptance of the invitation of the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra for the consecration ceremony of the Ram temple in Ayodhya, which is expected to take place on January 22, and his exultation over it appear to signify the beginning of a major phase of the BJP plan to put to maximum use its Hindutva project for electoral gains overriding the topics he had tried to bring to the focus of late. 

Mr Modi had last year launched a tirade against the freebies culture. Cautioning people against state governments making promises which have the potential to undermine their finances and cripple public sector units, the Prime Minister wanted political parties to tell the people about the truth about the financial position instead. While a check on the reckless indulgence is in order, a very materialistic approach to people’s needs is politically and morally untenable in India. That point was proved in Karnataka where the people voted the Congress, which promised to address some of their very basic needs, back to power. The theme which the Prime Minister wanted to put on the national agenda just vanished in no time; the BJP is now no different in making promises that could cost thousands of crores in states which are going to polls.

Development, which includes essential infrastructure and those which will create jobs and opportunities for the youth, was the other slogan which Mr Modi wanted to put his focus on. He would, on every given occasion, elaborate on the failures of the previous governments to foresee the future and act accordingly, and would demonstrate how the government under him during the two tenures sought to change the very developmental narrative. Mr Modi would seek votes for “double engine growth”, a reference to governments at the Centre and in the states of the same party which can put development agenda on the fast track. It, however, has not cut much ice in states where the party faced anti-incumbency. It is an unlikely companion for Mr Modi when he goes back to the people seeking a third term without a solid report card on the developmental front.  

Corruption and dynastic politics are two weapons Mr Modi and the BJP would never fail to employ against their political opponents. The history and conduct of most of Mr Modi’s opponents at the national and state level would concur with him in his criticism of them. But the fact remains that the Indian voter has not been very keen to rebuff political parties based on their record on these two fronts. It may be the BJP’s agenda but not necessarily that of the people.

That leaves the saffron juggernaut with little option but to go back to its original moorings — Hindutva and nationalism — and make good optics for its captive electorate. The incessant reference to India’s global standing and the successful conduct of G-20 summit have come in handy for the BJP to make the nationalistic voter look favourably at Mr Modi and his team. This, coupled with a very liberal dose of Hindutva, to be out on display when the Prime Minister of a secular democratic republic consecrates a place of worship months before the general election, will make a decent recipe for the BJP with which to face the electorate. The voters count in an electoral democracy, and Mr Modi knows it well.